The spy is rarely born suddenly. He is gradually formed within a closed, rigid system that has long been unwilling to recognize the value of those who have served it. Betrayal does not always come from a money-grubber; it is often the final outburst of a long internal rupture with the system itself.
Many feel used, limited, and ultimately abandoned. The search for new alliances — even with rival forces — does not always result from ideological conversion, but from suffocation, bitterness, and a need to escape the bonds of military life. Some also act as predators of danger and transcendence.
After retirement, officers with knowledge and qualifications are often driven into obscurity, with meager pensions and no institutional use. At the same time, they see people without abilities and qualifications getting rich. Then the tormenting question arises: if all this effort had been channeled elsewhere, what would their lives have been like? The “exit window” opens and the temptation becomes stronger — especially when external factors cultivate it. Only a strong moral constitution and philosophical education can stop the landslide.
The sense of injustice is often exacerbated by historical trauma. For many, bitterness towards NATO and the feeling of betrayal associated with Cyprus acted as a psychological catalyst. Thus, the act takes on the character of revenge rather than simple transaction; money becomes a means, not a motive.
The approach of the “opposing camp” is not a modern phenomenon. Since antiquity, exiled or marginalized Greek leaders have sought refuge in the Persian Court: Hippias, Demaratos, Themistocles, Alcibiades. History does not justify these actions, but records them as a recurring human act.
Recruitment attempts have been and remain a standard practice of the secret services. Most executives have categorically rejected them. A few have not. However, understanding the psychology of the spy does not mean justification. It means that betrayal is not an isolated event, but the result of personal cracks, institutional failures and historical traumas.
Some may believe — wrongly or not — that leaking plans from allied organizations does not constitute treason. All of this will be taken into account by the judiciary.
There is no attempt here to defend the accused. Espionage remains one of the most serious and dishonorable crimes. However, a crucial institutional question arises: what happens when someone is deprived of Greek citizenship? To which political community does he now belong?
International law prohibits the creation of stateless persons. The removal of citizenship without any other affiliation is not a simple punishment, but a political mutilation. The stateless person is legally stripped, without full rights, without protection, without a homeland, 'a hunted being/
This is why modern states must be frugal. Otherwise, they risk turning from guarantors of law into producers of human "legal abortions". And this is not a victory for Democracy, but its defeat.
Konstantinos Konstantinidis – Amphictyon
photo Greek Radio Fl
